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True way of life 2!

Humanism/Humanistic Geography

Life-World and Place

In 1976, the concept of life-world was introduced to geographers by Anne Buttimer and Nicholas Entrikin, who independently translated the term from the German Lebenswelt and French habitus. The concept of life-world was understood in two distinct ways. Firstly, a life-world is defined as the world as it appears to an individual who is unreflectively engaged in a particular form or way of life. It is the world as it is interpreted, given meaning and value, by what German sociologists termed a relativ natürlich Weltanschauung (a worldview natural to that way of life). As Buttimer articulated, the concept of "life-world" encompasses "the prereflective, taken-for-granted dimensions of experience, the unquestioned meanings, and routinized determinants of behaviour". A hiker who intends to reach a certain campsite before nightfall, and who has an interest in doing so with the least possible effort, will, for instance, see in the terrain before him meanings that are in fact reasons to take one trail rather than another. In contrast to the geomorphologist, the focus of the latter is not on explaining the formation of ridges and valleys. The subject's fundamental concern is to ascertain whether the nature of the trail before him necessitates a left or right turn, a hastened or sluggish pace, and a state of anxious or assured sentiment. This kind of fully interpreted life-world has been criticised as being alien to the true meaning of phenomenology. Nevertheless, it has had the greatest impact on humanistic geography and its successors.

In their work, Buttimer and Entrikin adopt and develop the concept of life-world as expounded by Edmund Husserl, employing it as a critical instrument to challenge the tenets of positivist science. The assertion is that the manner in which the world is perceived by an impartial observer differs significantly from the world as reported by empirical science, which is characterised as objective and real. For instance, the phenomenon of 'the Sun' is not observable. Instead, the observer perceives a luminous and incandescent disk. Through the process of conceptualisation, the observer identifies this phenomenon as the Sun. The phenomenal world, therefore, is not, or at least not originally, the array of objects imagined by physical science; nor is it the world spontaneously interpreted by a form of life. To the most impartial of observers, the infant experiences a state of sensory overload, akin to what William James in The Principles of Psychology described as "one great blooming, buzzing confusion" that assails the infant's "eyes, ears, nose, skin, and entrails at once … coalesced together in one and the same space." When considered from an empirical perspective, the universe manifests as a state of pure sensation, which can be likened to a state of cognitive dissonance. The conclusion to which critics of positivist science arrive is that scientists do not initiate their research with experience or objective reality; rather, they commence with a representation that is, as deconstructionists are wont to say, 'always already' theorised and interpreted. As Alfred North Whitehead articulated in The Organization of Thought, "common sense and scientific inquiry are inherently contingent upon a rigorous examination of experiential reality."

The apparent discrepancy between these two perspectives on the phenomenological life-world has frequently perplexed geographers. The term 'phenomenological life-world' is understood to denote either the meaningful, interpreted world of the first description or the 'one great blooming, buzzing confusion' of the second. The response to this question is twofold, as both elements are relevant in this context. The former can be considered a development of the latter. As William James articulated, a fundamental assertion for humanistic geographers, "Infants must undergo a protracted education of the eye and ear before they can discern the realities that adults perceive." This prolonged educational process is characterised by the acquisition of knowledge through experience and the influence of culture imposed by the child's family, political community, and peers. In this educational paradigm, the developing child assimilates 'ideas suggested by sensation' or 'further facts associated with the object of the sensation'. Consequently, by the time she reaches maturity, her 'every perception is an acquired perception'. The humanistic geographer Yi-fu Tuan made a similar point throughout his long and prolific career, and stated the matter succinctly in a 1979 essay. As posited by the author, landscape, that is to say the interpreted lifeworld, cannot be considered a given, or a piece of reality that is simply there. It is posited that the environment is one to which humans respond in an automatic and subconscious manner. This response is a learned one, arising from habit, indoctrination and experience. Conversely, the concept of "landscape" is said to "emanate from an exertion of the imagination" and is regarded as "an accomplishment of the mature mind."

The transition from environment to landscape, from the 'one confused fact' of infant sensation to the temporally ordered, spatially extensive, objectively discrete life-world of adult perception, is, of course, complex as human life itself. However, the most fundamental aspect of this movement is the process of categorising the various concepts in a systematic manner. This is why phenomenology is also referred to as analysis of concepts: for what appears to a mature mind is a world ordered according to concepts. It is evident that a number of these concepts are indicative of natural kinds, that is to say, objects which are grouped together on the basis that they share a common characteristic. Felines, for example, are a natural kind. Other concepts denote practical kinds or functional categories, that is to say, objects which are grouped together because they serve the same purpose. Pets, for instance, do not share a common nature, but rather a common relation to human beings, thus constituting a functional category or practical kind.

Practical kinds or functional categories are of particular interest to humanistic geographers (though some of these dispute the existence of natural kinds). This phenomenon can be attributed to the fact that the functional categories that order our life-world originate in what phenomenologists term 'our intentions', or, more precisely, 'our aims'. This is evidenced by the transformation in the life-world as our objectives undergo modification. To provide a rudimentary illustration, in the context of playing hide and seek with our young children, our objective is to conceal or locate the individual who is being concealed. Consequently, observations made in the back yard reveal instances of a particular location that appear to function as a hiding place. These concealed spaces are defined as 'intentional objects', signifying that they are constituted by our state of mind when we form the intention to hide. Accordingly, they are not 'given', that is to say, they do not manifest as phenomena, to persons who do not aim to hide or to discover another person in hiding.

Intentions have been shown to both divide and evaluate the world. It is evident that the efficacy of a hiding place is contingent upon its quality. Furthermore, these phenomena appear to the human observer as reasons, that is to say, as possible motives to action. To reiterate the aforementioned example, within the context of a game of hide and seek, the absence of bushes from this side of the house necessitates a strategic manoeuvre to the other side.

The most significant of these intentions function in a manner analogous to the ordering of an environment into a landscape, the carving of our sensations into functional categories, the assignment of value, and the finding of reasons to act, feel, and think in the resulting interpretation of the world. This relativity, or natural worldview, is not readily apparent due to its prolonged existence, leading to its perceived naturalness. The child's fundamental intention is to engage in play, and consequently, over an extended period, the world appears to her as predominantly comprising three categories: those that are suitable for play, those that are not suitable for play, and those that actively prohibit play. As this intention is superseded in adolescence by an ambition to compete and succeed in the world, the child's life-world and landscape disappear. The transition to parenthood brings with it a series of new intentions and a wholly new life-world. In this new environment, the functional categories of childhood are partially revived, supplemented by categories that are unique to parenthood. These include dangerous things and dangerous places, both of which are made apparent by the state of mind known as anxiety and the intention to protect. The dissolution of long-standing functional categories and life-worlds at the conclusion of a protracted undertaking, such as raising children, a marriage, or a career, is commonly perceived as a 'crisis'. This phenomenon is occasionally aptly characterised by the expression, "my world fell to pieces."

Should we be able to identify significantly different life-worlds in the different stages of an individual life, it is to be expected that we should find even greater differences in the life-worlds of persons engaged in highly dissimilar forms of life. Consequently, when humanistic geographers engaged in fieldwork, a primary objective was to comprehend the worldview and life-world of their subjects. This approach is exemplified by the humanistic geographer John Western, who utilised interviews extensively in his works Outcast Capetown and Passage to England. Western's objective was to ascertain how his subjects perceived the world around them. Alternatively, participant observation was utilised, whereby researchers adopted the roles and daily practices and intentions of their subjects. For instance, several humanistic geographers engaged in street vending in South American cities, with the objective of acquiring experiential knowledge regarding the perspective of a disadvantaged street vendor.

The term 'place' swiftly superseded 'life-world' among humanistic geographers, as 'place' was perceived as being more clearly geographical, while 'life-world' carried an excess of philosophical connotations. However, from the perspective of humanistic geographers, the term assumed a technical connotation, one that was more aligned with the concept of the 'life-world' than with the conventional notion of location. The concept of a 'place' is predicated upon the notion of a location imbued with significance by human imagination.

The significance of a location is ascribed when it appears to convey a message that extends beyond its immediate context. The text's content is revealed not only through its own words, but also through the symbols it contains. These symbols, in turn, point to other concepts, suggesting that the nature of a symbol is to always refer to something beyond itself. A stone, for instance, is merely a stone; however, a tombstone is a symbol that points beyond itself, to a man, a memory, a life, and an idea. This is true of every symbol; the function of a symbol is to make something absent present. The absence of the phenomenon may be attributed to its inconspicuous nature, intangible qualities, imagined nature, or its remote temporal and spatial location. Humans utilise symbolism to represent absent things, thereby making themselves mindful of these entities and providing themselves with motives and reasons to act, think, or feel in a particular way. The concept of a location, therefore, is predicated on the ability to discern a significance that extends beyond the mere physical elements that comprise it. These elements, when observed, evince a tendency to transcend their immediate surroundings, potentially signifying an imperceptible hazard, an undetectable boundary, a popular fantasy, or an occurrence that transpired in the past or in a distant locale. The metamorphosis of the urban landscape, wherein edifices and thoroughfares are imbued with a sense of identity, underscores the profound human imprint upon the city.

Humanistic geographers have approached the concept of place through two distinct lenses. The first question posed pertained to the experience of being in a place that is perceived as intelligible, often referred to as having a 'sense of place'. The ability to comprehend a locale is predicated upon the capacity to interpret its symbols and discern its essence. The slightly different phrase 'sense of place' implies, in addition to this, an existential affinity with the place, a feeling that, in 'this' place, one is truly 'in place' or belongs there. Geographers such as Yi-fu Tuan, Edward Relph, David Seamon and Robert Mugerauer have written extensively on this topic. It is perhaps best understood as the manner in which geographers have framed classic questions of topical humanism concerning modern alienation (what Relph termed 'placelessness'), our ambivalent feelings about home (which Tuan described as an oscillation between cosmos and hearth), and the appalling loneliness to which humans are subject in the face of a seemingly mute and unsympathetic cosmos.

The second approach, as adopted by humanistic geographers, involved the examination of place symbols and the messages they convey, as opposed to the subjective experience of place. Humanistic geographers who sought to understand the functionality of these symbols initially turned to semiotics and the sociological theory of symbolic interactionism. For instance, Kenneth Foote's Shadowed Ground examined landscape symbols that point back to deeply disturbing acts of gruesome violence, and the decisions communities make whether or not to install such symbols, whether or not to sustain such a memory. In his work Imagining Niagara, Patrick McGreevy explores the manner in which Victorian tourists projected their preoccupations onto the Niagara Falls, thereby transforming the waterfall into a symbol that transcended the temporal limitations of the present moment. These tourists interpreted the natural phenomenon as a metaphor for primal nature, the afterlife, or a future of infinite productive capacity. In his seminal work The Past Is a Foreign Country, David Lowenthal meticulously documents the various symbols that point to the past, the uses to which they are put, and the various degrees to which they imply that the past is radically discontinuous with the present.

Most Books Won't Change Your Life

The majority of books do not have the capacity to engender a profound transformation in the reader's life; nevertheless, it is recommended that they be read.

It has been posited that if an individual were to implement only half of the information they consume, they would already be in possession of considerable wealth.

It has been posited that the crux of the issue lies not in the absence of efficacious concepts, but rather in the paucity of implementation. This deficiency results in stagnant lives, unaltered weights, stagnant wealth, unsatisfactory relationships, and unhappiness.

The implication of this advice is that if one reads a book and does not apply its contents, one has merely expended financial resources in vain. It is imperative to apply the lessons learned from reading material; otherwise, the act of reading becomes futile. I disagree.

The necessity of acquiring a greater volume of knowledge than that which is ultimately utilised.

The act of reading literature is a relatively inexpensive endeavour. The financial outlay required for the acquisition of Kindle editions of popular books is less than that of a pleasant dining experience. The practice of borrowing books from libraries often does not necessitate financial compensation.

The time expended on reading a book can be considered a relatively minor investment. For almost any given topic, there are books which are of such quality that reading them does not constitute a chore. Should this activity become a habit, it is likely that a considerable number of books could be read each year. Indeed, it is conceivable that as many as two dozen volumes could be read within a single year.

Conversely, the implementation of ideas frequently necessitates considerable financial investment. The implementation of a single concept derived from a literary work can often necessitate a greater investment of time, financial resources, or effort than the mere reading of the book itself. The implementation of all the ideas contained within a single book may require a significant investment of time, potentially spanning several years.

This imbalance indicates that one should read a substantial number of books and only implement a proportion of the ideas, depending on the time available.

Should the typical book have the capacity to effect a profound and lasting change in the life of its reader, it can be posited that the reader is, by the same token, reading far too few books.

A fundamental economic principle that should be thoroughly grasped is the concept of diminishing returns. This principle states that when the additional benefits derived from a certain activity decrease as more of the activity is undertaken, the optimal level of output is attained when the marginal cost equals the marginal benefit.

To illustrate this phenomenon, one may envisage a machine that, upon being inserted with a $5 bill, consistently produces banknotes at the end of each cycle. Initially, the device ejects $20 bills. After a period of time, the only bills that are being produced are $10 bills. Eventually, a mere handful of quarters are expelled when a $5 bill is inserted. At what point should the utilisation of the machine be discontinued?

It is evident that the utilisation of the machine should be discontinued when the return on investment is minimal, as evidenced by the reversionary payment of a mere $5. This is the point at which the marginal benefit (the amount of money received each time) is equal to the marginal cost (the amount of money required to operate the machine).

The following argument may be applied to books. If the typical book costs $20 and requires twenty hours to read, but the value is life changing, then it can be argued that the reader is not reading enough books. It is recommended that the initial investment of $20 be complemented by a commitment of twenty hours, with the objective of attaining a return on investment equivalent to the original expenditure. In the event of a reduction in the amount specified, a financial opportunity is foregone.

It is hypothesised that the vast majority of people do not read enough books to reach this trade-off point. The recommendation to read less until every idea has been implemented appears to be a futile exercise.

The Rationale Behind the Persistence of Value in Unused Books

It is a commonly held belief that the value of a book is contingent upon its explicit implementation. However, this assertion is not necessarily accurate, and it is this author's position that a book which is not explicitly attempted to be implemented can still add value. While these may not be transformative, they offer sufficient value to justify the relatively modest investment.

It is indeed the case that the majority of books are unlikely to engender any significant life changes. However, it should be noted that it is not necessary to dedicate a significant amount of financial resources or time to the consumption of these products. The selection of appropriate literature, its subsequent thorough perusal, and the application of critical analysis to its contents are sufficient to justify the expenditure of resources, whether financial or temporal, that has been invested.

There are several potential avenues through which books may possess significant value, even in the absence of a consistent practice of implementing each of the ideas they present.

1. Good books limit bad choices.

It is evident that a comprehensive review of literature pertaining to investing will equip the reader with the necessary knowledge to avoid the adoption of detrimental investment habits. While the specific book may not elicit a change in behaviour, the accumulation of literature on personal finance can serve as a valuable source of information, potentially influencing one's financial decisions in a constructive manner.

It is frequently the activities one undertakes subsequent to reading a book that serve to validate the financial expenditure. If a book succeeds in steering its reader away from unfruitful strategies, it can be argued that this in itself renders the book a worthwhile read.

2. The acquisition of knowledge through reading is conducive to the generation of innovative ideas.

The improvements I wish to effect in my own life and business often resemble a substantial, indeed infinite, list of potential actions. It is possible to refine exercise habits, optimise landing pages and switch to a new productivity application.

The list is usually far too extensive for me to complete within the available timeframe. This is an acceptable outcome. The reading of numerous books has been demonstrated to enhance the overall quality of this list, thereby facilitating the refinement of the ideas under consideration. It is evident that an increase in the quantity of reading material leads to an enhancement in the mean quality of the list, even in the absence of dedicated time for the development of a particular concept.

3. The act of reading has been demonstrated to effect a transformation in cognitive processes, thereby engendering a shift in the manner of thought.

The purpose of a good book is not to function as an instructional manual, providing a step-by-step guide to altering a particular aspect. Instead, they induce a shift in the subject matter under discussion. Immersive reading can facilitate a shift in cognitive perspective.

In certain cases, this alternative pattern of thinking may give rise to deliberate plans of action. In other cases, they may simply redirect one's cognitive processes towards hitherto unexplored theoretical frameworks.

4. The role of the author in this context can be likened to that of a confidant, a figure with whom one may share intimate thoughts and feelings.

If an individual has a friend who consistently exhibits perfectionist tendencies, characterised by the absence of procrastination, the attainment of every objective, a healthy diet, and the presence of beneficial habits, it is implausible that this would engender personal development. Indeed, the individual in question appears to be a rather vexing person. However, if all one's peers exhibited such behaviour, it would inevitably result in a modification of one's own conduct.

To a certain extent, books can be regarded as a barometer of the prevailing social environment. While these expectations may not be as tangible as those experienced in physical interactions, they nevertheless influence our expectations of ourselves.

Upon embarking on my literary journey, I discovered that reading had the capacity to motivate me to engage in a wide range of activities that were perceived as unconventional by those around me. These endeavours, however, ultimately contributed to a multitude of positive outcomes in my life. In the absence of a comprehensive and well-researched foundation, the implementation of such ideas, derived from a single book, would likely lack sustainability and credibility.

5. In some cases, the impact of literature on an individual's life can be transformative.

While the average book has little power to alter the course of one's life (and if it does, then the reader's literary appetite is clearly insatiable), there are certainly books that can. On occasion, one encounters a book that provides the ideal concept at the opportune moment, thus inspiring a series of significant alterations.

In this sense, the act of purchasing books can be likened to purchasing lottery tickets, each with a minimal probability of yielding a substantial financial reward. The financial prudence of lottery tickets is questionable, given their relatively low purchase price and the even lower probability of winning. Conversely, the literary works that are of merit can be considered invaluable, given their affordability and the potential for personal transformation that accompanies their perusal.