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The Way of Life
The term 'way of life' is defined as the lifestyle that encompasses the nature of work, community, home, leisure activities, and social interactions. It is imperative that these align with an individual's aptitudes, interests, and values for optimal vocational and personal adjustment.
HUNTER-GATHERERS, ANCIENT
The significance and historical development of the hunting and gathering mode of subsistence is examined, with particular attention devoted to its diverse manifestations. A discussion of the fossil markers of hunting and gathering as opposed to scavenging strategies is developed against the backdrop of the process of expansion of hominins out of Africa, a process that culminated with Homo sapiens distributed around the world. Finally, the example of the Selk'nam foragers of Tierra del Fuego is examined in some detail.
Fire: A Socioecological and Historical Survey
The Original Domestication of Fire
1.1 Origins
Human life, akin to all life, comprises matter and energy, organised and guided by information. All life is part of an ecosystem, and all ecosystems together constitute the biosphere—the total configuration of living things interacting with each other and with nonliving things. It is evident that all lifeforms perpetually influence and are influenced by their respective ecosystems.
As participants in the biosphere, the early hominids and their only surviving species, Homo sapiens, have gradually strengthened their position – at first slowly and almost imperceptibly, later at an increasingly more rapid pace with ever more striking consequences. In the course of this process, they gradually expanded their territory and integrated an increasing array of non-human resources into their groups. Initially, they utilised fire, followed by select plants and animals at a later stage, and finally, fossil fuels. As societies incorporated more energy and matter into their systems, they underwent growth in size, strength, and productivity. Concurrently, however, these societies also became more complex, more vulnerable, and more destructive.
During the initial phase of human history and "prehistory," designated in the domain of archaeology as the Paleolithic or Old Stone Age, a period that endured for millennia, the rate of social and cultural evolution was comparatively languid when contrasted with subsequent eras. However, a series of significant changes occurred, resulting in profound implications for the relationships between humans and the natural environment. The evolution of human technology began with the fabrication of tools, and the mastery of fire. The combination of tools and fire enabled groups of humans to leave their original habitat, the savannas of East Africa, and to migrate into other parts of the world, penetrating first into remote corners of Eurasia and then also into Australia and the Americas. The Paleolithic era, therefore, may be regarded as a preparatory phase, subsequently succeeded by a period of rapid transformation, the present age representing the latest manifestation of this dynamic sequence. The anthroposphere is defined as the geographical area in which human activity has had a significant impact.
A fundamental trend throughout the entirety of human history, and particularly during its earliest phases (frequently designated as prehistory), has been the increasing differentiation between humans and closely related animals with regard to their behaviour, strength, and general orientation or attitude — their habitus. The flexibility that has been acquired throughout the course of evolution has enabled humans to acquire a large repertoire of new forms of behaviour. It is evident that innovations in behaviour that augmented human power in relation to other large animals, including predators and competitors, proved to be of particular efficacy. These innovations were transmitted through the process of learning from generation to generation, thus becoming integrated into the human habitus and reaching a state of automaticity.
The fundamental condition for the process of differentiation in behaviour, power, and habitus has been, and continues to be, the inborn human capacity for culture as manifested in technology, organisation, and civilisation, each of which represents the results of social learning. It is evident that social learning constitutes the fundamental basis of culture, encompassing the collection of information and its subsequent dissemination to subsequent generations. This process initially occurred through direct interaction, subsequently transitioning to the utilisation of written texts, and more recently, evolving to encompass a diverse array of audio-visual means. The accumulation of information, also referred to as "cultural capital", has enabled human societies to access increasingly diverse and abundant flows of matter and energy. These flows have been integrated into the fabric of society.
The process of domesticating fire represented the initial significant disruption to natural processes by human beings. The consequences of this decision have been far-reaching, extending from the initial tentative stages to the present day, where the economy is heavily reliant on fuel. The present text demands our attention for the reason that it reveals something of the socioecological infrastructure of the contemporary world.
In several ways, the original fire regime may be regarded as a paradigm for the socioecological regimes that were subsequently developed. The text presents a paradigm in a double sense. Firstly, it is evident that the historical process by which human beings acquired the ability to harness and manipulate fire can be regarded as a paradigm for the subsequent development of human care and control over other phenomena in the non-human natural world, including plants and animals. Secondly, the domestication of fire can be regarded as a theoretical paradigm, as it highlights the strong link between seemingly contradictory tendencies, such as increases in control and dependency, robustness and vulnerability, and the potential for production and destruction.
1.2 Initial Impact
Fire, akin to all natural forces, possesses a historical dimension. Fire is defined as a process of highly accelerated oxidation of matter (fuel) induced by heat (ignition). The occurrence of the aforementioned phenomenon is contingent upon the presence of three fundamental elements: oxygen, fuel, and heat. During the early eons of Earth's history, at least two elements, oxygen and fuel, were absent. The advent of oxygen, a crucial element for life as we know it, did not occur until at least one billion years had elapsed. It was during the Devonian geological age, less than half a billion years ago, that life assumed the form of plants, providing matter suitable for burning. Subsequent to this, the majority of terrestrial locations characterised by seasonally arid vegetation were subject to recurrent visits by fire, predominantly initiated by lightning, though on occasion also by falling rocks, volcanic emissions, or extraterrestrial impacts.
The process of domestication initiated by humans marked the commencement of a novel epoch in the history of fire. It is evident that humans have exerted a profound influence on the frequency and intensity of fires. The introduction of fire to regions of the planet where it was rare or non-existent, and its subsequent attempt to eradicate it from areas where, in its absence of human interference, it would have repeatedly ignited, are significant aspects of this phenomenon. Consequently, there has been a shift towards human-caused fires, also known as anthropogenic fires.
The practice of human migration has been accompanied by the transportation of fire, suggesting a cultural and/or practical significance of this element in the context of mobility. The presence of humans with fire profoundly modified the landscape, encompassing both flora and fauna. The human impact is comprehensively documented (although still the subject of considerable controversy) for Australia, a continent that was colonised by humans relatively late in the process. In all regions of the planet, areas such as rainforests, deserts, and the polar regions, which were not susceptible to fire, proved to be challenging for humans to penetrate as well.
It is an irrefutable fact that Homo sapiens are the sole species that has mastered the art of manipulating fire. The domination of fire by human beings has resulted in a species monopoly, exerting a profound effect on other species, both animal and plant. It provides an excellent example of how new forms of behaviour could change power balances, in this case between humans and all other animals, ranging from primates to insects. It also demonstrates how such shifts in power balances could engender changes in habitus, both among the humans who gained greater self-confidence from the presence of fire in their groups and among animals that might be bigger and stronger than humans but learned to respect and fear their agility with fire.
The ability to control fire, which was previously exclusive to humankind, has now become a universal human capacity. It is evident that no human society of the past 100,000 years was without the skills required to control fire.
The original domestication of fire represented a significant transition. The precise timing of this event remains a subject of ongoing debate among palaeoanthropologists. The estimates for this period range from 1.5 million to 150,000 years ago. The question of whether the first steps towards controlling fire coincided with other changes in early human development remains open and fascinating.
On reflection, the initial domestication of fire can be regarded as a seminal occurrence of considerable significance. This wild force of nature, characterised by its blindness, capriciousness, and inherent hazards, has now been tended, cared for, and supplied with fuel. It is evident that our early ancestors undertook considerable effort, not from a sense of altruism, but rather as a means to their own advantage. The utilisation of fire, a force that possesses the potential to be destructive and devoid of a discernible purpose, is employed for the sake of their own productive endeavours. The subject was able to achieve the regular availability of fire. The necessity to seek out and locate the smouldering remnants of a natural blaze, with the hope of finding evidence of past combustion, was no longer a concern. Instead, the practice of reverence and the incorporation of the concept of eternal life into their group identity became the norm.
The process of domesticating fire resulted in humans becoming less directly dependent on natural forces that remained beyond human control, such as the regular alternation of day and night or the annual cycle of the seasons. This enabled the manipulation of contrast, whether between dark and light, warm and cold, or wet and dry, thereby affording humans a greater margin of freedom from the constraints of nature. This increase in power can be defined as the capacity to influence the outcome of an interaction. Humans were equipped with fire, a remarkable innovation that enabled them to traverse impenetrable tracts of bush and repel animals that were significantly more formidable and robust than themselves. The augmentation of power resulted in enhanced levels of comfort and security for the populace. The integration of heating, lighting, and culinary practices contributed to the enhancement of living standards, a concept that would later be recognised as a component of an improved quality of life.
The long-term consequences of the phenomenon under investigation are considered in section 1.3.
It is evident that wherever primitive man had the opportunity to ignite fire on a land, he appears to have done so from time immemorial. Carl Sauer's statement may appear to be an exaggeration, but it remains an understatement in terms of the full impact of the domestication of fire. This impact is twofold, both within the biosphere and on the larger biosphere, as well as on human society itself.
The most proximate consequence of the domestication of fire on the biosphere in general was an escalation in the frequency with which fires occurred. Prior to the advent of human mastery over fire, it was primarily initiated by lightning. Subsequently, an additional source was incorporated. Prior to the acquisition of fire-making capabilities, humans possessed the knowledge to store it in their hearths and utilise it for various purposes. Consequently, as the number of anthropogenic fires increased, the proportion of natural fires diminished. In a speculative article, geologist Peter Westbroek hypothesises that the earliest human use of fire may have had a significant impact on the planetary atmosphere, potentially contributing to major climate changes during the Pleistocene era. Substantive evidence indicating modification of the landscape by human foragers equipped with fire has been brought forward for Australia, where most of the indigenous forests were burned down in the millennia following the arrival of the first Aborigines.
Since time immemorial, humankind has utilised fire in two fundamental forms: the hearth and the torch. The hearth was the original location for the maintenance of a fire, typically situated at the entrance of a cave to ensure protection from precipitation while facilitating adequate air circulation. Given the necessity for its maintenance and the requirement for fuel to be brought to it, the structure naturally evolved into a focal point for group activities, providing essential amenities such as heat, illumination, and a shared focal point. The evolution of fire containers can be traced back to the earliest uses of the hearth, which developed into a variety of containers used for different purposes, including crucibles, stoves, kilns and furnaces. In more recent times, these containers have been adapted for use in mobile engines of cars and airplanes.
The two kinds of environmental side effects that have always accompanied the hearthlike uses of fire are as follows. Primarily, the provision of fuel was imperative. In the context of diminutive human communities inhabiting wooded areas, this phenomenon did not pose a significant challenge. However, as human populations began to concentrate in large urban areas, the demand for fuel became a significant contributing factor to deforestation across vast regions. In the present era, this has also led to the depletion of fossil fuels. A secondary consequence of hearthlike fire is the production of ashes and smoke. Despite the potential benefits of smoke in terms of repelling insects and other undesirable creatures, it has historically been regarded predominantly as a nuisance that must be eliminated. During the period when human populations resided in isolated caves or huts, this phenomenon was relatively straightforward to observe. The problem has been exacerbated by urbanisation and industrialisation.
The functions of the hearth were originally primarily oriented towards the interior, whereas the torch was a more outwardly directed implement. This technology was employed not only to provide illumination during nocturnal hours, but also during the diurnal period to ignite shrubbery and grasses, thereby serving as an effective method of obliterating obstacles for foraging purposes and of driving animals, both predators and prey, from the area, thus expanding the human domain. Torches were undoubtedly a contributing factor to deforestation, as wood was burned wholesale, regardless of its potential value as timber or fuel. In the age of agriculture, the torch was utilised for slash and burn and other techniques for clearing land, and it served as the model for a wide array of fire weapons, culminating in rocket-propelled missiles in the present era.
A comprehensive examination of the historical evolution of human utilisation of fire reveals the presence of three distinct phases. In the initial phase, the absence of fire was the prevailing characteristic; there was no presence of fire. It is hypothesised that a second stage occurred, during which there were two distinct groups: those with fire and those without. The duration of this stage remains undetermined, as does the frequency with which it may have recurred. The only conclusion that can be drawn is that the process has reached its conclusion. This period marked a transition from a state of non-urban living to one of urban habitation, which has persisted for millennia. The advent of fire is a seminal moment in the evolution of humankind, as it enabled the development of urban societies and the creation of complex social structures. It is an established fact that all human groups are groups with fire.
Despite the absence of empirical evidence for the initial two phases, this very absence compels us to conclude that societies possessing fire were, in the long term, demonstrably more capable of survival than those without. The question of why societies without fire disappeared is a complex one. One hypothesis suggests that this was due to the necessity of coexistence with societies that possessed fire. However, it is argued that, in the long term, such coexistence proved impossible.
This may appear to be a bleak conclusion, implying fierce competitions that result in the elimination of the unsuccessful participants. In the absence of empirical evidence, the hypothesis that such contests occurred is merely speculative. The extant literature, including the cinematic work The Quest for Fire (directed by Jean-Jacques Annaud), relies on highly imaginative portrayals of the events in question. However, it is also important to consider the fact that the possession of fire has become a universal attribute of all human societies as an important example of the general rule that changes in one human group lead to changes in related other groups. In the event that group A possessed fire, yet group B did not, group B would encounter a problem. The potential courses of action available to the subject were as follows: either to attempt to minimise contact with Group A and potentially move away, or to emulate the actions of Group A and adopt a fire regime. The feasibility of this option was dependent upon the capacity to learn from the actions of the other groups, which was assumed to be sufficient to ensure that the challenges presented would not be insurmountable. In the latter case, instead of a zero-sum elimination struggle, there would have been what American freelance author and scientist Robert Wright calls a "nonzero" situation, with an outcome from which both parties benefited.
The supposition that alterations in one human collective invariably precipitate concomitant transformations in other analogous collectives may ostensibly appear to be a rather tautological elucidation for social transformation, yet it is not. This is a highly generalized empirical observation, similar to an observation we can make about fire: fire generates fire, and, in a similar fashion and more generally, change generates change, and social change generates social change.
This phenomenon is indicative of the inherent dynamics of human society and culture. Following the initial domestication of fire, human interaction with other human groups and with non-human nature was not a solitary endeavour. It was only ever humans who possessed fire, and who were equipped with the products of pyrotechnics: cooked food, pointed spears and arrows, earthenware, metal tools and weapons. The presence of these creatures ultimately led to the extinction of humankind in the absence of fire.
A further general conclusion that can be drawn from these observations is that changes in climate and precipitation have always been significant causes for humans to modify their lifestyles. It is evident that humans are no exception to the fundamental laws of nature, and as such, must adapt to the perpetual changes that occur in the environment, including the transition between day and night, as well as the cyclical patterns of monsoons and seasons. However, throughout the course of human history, in addition to these overridingly powerful extra-human conditions, conditions brought about by humans themselves have become increasingly more important to the extent that, in the contemporary world, humanity has become a major agent of ecological change.
1.4 Regimes
The process of domesticating fire entailed the subjugation of a formidable and potentially destructive natural force, thereby rendering it a reliably available source of energy. Consequently, the aforementioned actions precipitated alterations in the natural environment, social arrangements and personal lives. The three aspects of this relationship – ecological, sociological and psychological – are all part of the changing human relationship with fire.
From an ecological perspective, the domestication of fire profoundly impacted the relationship between humans and the non-human world, to the extent that it can be regarded as the inaugural major ecological transformation initiated by humans. This was subsequently followed by two subsequent transformations, commonly referred to as the agricultural and industrial revolutions, which are characterised by the prolonged processes of agrarianisation and industrialisation.
Each of these transformations marked the formation of a new socioecological regime: the fire regime, the agrarian regime, and the industrial regime. The first of these was characterised by the utilisation of fire and elementary tools. The second was marked by the rise and spread of agriculture and animal husbandry. The third was characterised by the rise and spread of large-scale modern industry. The subsequent regimes have not rendered the earlier ones obsolete; instead, they have absorbed them and, in the process, transformed them. The establishment of each new regime was accompanied by an expansion of the anthroposphere within the biosphere.
The joint definition of the three regimes in similar terms is beneficial in order to facilitate a more profound comprehension of each regime individually, as well as in their interrelations. A common conceptual model invites and facilitates comparison. The employment of a comparative analysis facilitates the elucidation of the sequence in the emergence of the regimes, thereby enabling the discernment of not only their similarities and differences, but also their interlocking nature.
Humanism/Humanistic Geography
Life-World and Place
In 1976, the concept of life-world was introduced to geographers by Anne Buttimer and Nicholas Entrikin, who independently translated the term from the German Lebenswelt and French habitus. The concept of life-world was understood in two distinct ways. Firstly, a life-world is defined as the world as it appears to an individual who is unreflectively engaged in a particular form or way of life. It is the world as it is interpreted, given meaning and value, by what German sociologists termed a relativ natürlich Weltanschauung (a worldview natural to that way of life). As Buttimer articulated, the concept of "life-world" encompasses "the prereflective, taken-for-granted dimensions of experience, the unquestioned meanings, and routinized determinants of behaviour". A hiker who intends to reach a certain campsite before nightfall, and who has an interest in doing so with the least possible effort, will, for instance, see in the terrain before him meanings that are in fact reasons to take one trail rather than another. In contrast to the geomorphologist, the focus of the latter is not on explaining the formation of ridges and valleys. The subject's fundamental concern is to ascertain whether the nature of the trail before him necessitates a left or right turn, a hastened or sluggish pace, and a state of anxious or assured sentiment. This kind of fully interpreted life-world has been criticised as being alien to the true meaning of phenomenology. Nevertheless, it has had the greatest impact on humanistic geography and its successors.
In their work, Buttimer and Entrikin adopt and develop the concept of life-world as expounded by Edmund Husserl, employing it as a critical instrument to challenge the tenets of positivist science. The assertion is that the manner in which the world is perceived by an impartial observer differs significantly from the world as reported by empirical science, which is characterised as objective and real. For instance, the phenomenon of 'the Sun' is not observable. Instead, the observer perceives a luminous and incandescent disk. Through the process of conceptualisation, the observer identifies this phenomenon as the Sun. The phenomenal world, therefore, is not, or at least not originally, the array of objects imagined by physical science; nor is it the world spontaneously interpreted by a form of life. To the most impartial of observers, the infant experiences a state of sensory overload, akin to what William James in The Principles of Psychology described as "one great blooming, buzzing confusion" that assails the infant's "eyes, ears, nose, skin, and entrails at once … coalesced together in one and the same space." When considered from an empirical perspective, the universe manifests as a state of pure sensation, which can be likened to a state of cognitive dissonance. The conclusion to which critics of positivist science arrive is that scientists do not initiate their research with experience or objective reality; rather, they commence with a representation that is, as deconstructionists are wont to say, 'always already' theorised and interpreted. As Alfred North Whitehead articulated in The Organization of Thought, "common sense and scientific inquiry are inherently contingent upon a rigorous examination of experiential reality."
The apparent discrepancy between these two perspectives on the phenomenological life-world has frequently perplexed geographers. The term 'phenomenological life-world' is understood to denote either the meaningful, interpreted world of the first description or the 'one great blooming, buzzing confusion' of the second. The response to this question is twofold, as both elements are relevant in this context. The former can be considered a development of the latter. As William James articulated, a fundamental assertion for humanistic geographers, "Infants must undergo a protracted education of the eye and ear before they can discern the realities that adults perceive." This prolonged educational process is characterised by the acquisition of knowledge through experience and the influence of culture imposed by the child's family, political community, and peers. In this educational paradigm, the developing child assimilates 'ideas suggested by sensation' or 'further facts associated with the object of the sensation'. Consequently, by the time she reaches maturity, her 'every perception is an acquired perception'. The humanistic geographer Yi-fu Tuan made a similar point throughout his long and prolific career, and stated the matter succinctly in a 1979 essay. As posited by the author, landscape, that is to say the interpreted lifeworld, cannot be considered a given, or a piece of reality that is simply there. It is posited that the environment is one to which humans respond in an automatic and subconscious manner. This response is a learned one, arising from habit, indoctrination and experience. Conversely, the concept of "landscape" is said to "emanate from an exertion of the imagination" and is regarded as "an accomplishment of the mature mind."
The transition from environment to landscape, from the 'one confused fact' of infant sensation to the temporally ordered, spatially extensive, objectively discrete life-world of adult perception, is, of course, complex as human life itself. However, the most fundamental aspect of this movement is the process of categorising the various concepts in a systematic manner. This is why phenomenology is also referred to as analysis of concepts: for what appears to a mature mind is a world ordered according to concepts. It is evident that a number of these concepts are indicative of natural kinds, that is to say, objects which are grouped together on the basis that they share a common characteristic. Felines, for example, are a natural kind. Other concepts denote practical kinds or functional categories, that is to say, objects which are grouped together because they serve the same purpose. Pets, for instance, do not share a common nature, but rather a common relation to human beings, thus constituting a functional category or practical kind.
Practical kinds or functional categories are of particular interest to humanistic geographers (though some of these dispute the existence of natural kinds). This phenomenon can be attributed to the fact that the functional categories that order our life-world originate in what phenomenologists term 'our intentions', or, more precisely, 'our aims'. This is evidenced by the transformation in the life-world as our objectives undergo modification. To provide a rudimentary illustration, in the context of playing hide and seek with our young children, our objective is to conceal or locate the individual who is being concealed. Consequently, observations made in the back yard reveal instances of a particular location that appear to function as a hiding place. These concealed spaces are defined as 'intentional objects', signifying that they are constituted by our state of mind when we form the intention to hide. Accordingly, they are not 'given', that is to say, they do not manifest as phenomena, to persons who do not aim to hide or to discover another person in hiding.
Intentions have been shown to both divide and evaluate the world. It is evident that the efficacy of a hiding place is contingent upon its quality. Furthermore, these phenomena appear to the human observer as reasons, that is to say, as possible motives to action. To reiterate the aforementioned example, within the context of a game of hide and seek, the absence of bushes from this side of the house necessitates a strategic manoeuvre to the other side.
The most significant of these intentions function in a manner analogous to the ordering of an environment into a landscape, the carving of our sensations into functional categories, the assignment of value, and the finding of reasons to act, feel, and think in the resulting interpretation of the world. This relativity, or natural worldview, is not readily apparent due to its prolonged existence, leading to its perceived naturalness. The child's fundamental intention is to engage in play, and consequently, over an extended period, the world appears to her as predominantly comprising three categories: those that are suitable for play, those that are not suitable for play, and those that actively prohibit play. As this intention is superseded in adolescence by an ambition to compete and succeed in the world, the child's life-world and landscape disappear. The transition to parenthood brings with it a series of new intentions and a wholly new life-world. In this new environment, the functional categories of childhood are partially revived, supplemented by categories that are unique to parenthood. These include dangerous things and dangerous places, both of which are made apparent by the state of mind known as anxiety and the intention to protect. The dissolution of long-standing functional categories and life-worlds at the conclusion of a protracted undertaking, such as raising children, a marriage, or a career, is commonly perceived as a 'crisis'. This phenomenon is occasionally aptly characterised by the expression, "my world fell to pieces."
Should we be able to identify significantly different life-worlds in the different stages of an individual life, it is to be expected that we should find even greater differences in the life-worlds of persons engaged in highly dissimilar forms of life. Consequently, when humanistic geographers engaged in fieldwork, a primary objective was to comprehend the worldview and life-world of their subjects. This approach is exemplified by the humanistic geographer John Western, who utilised interviews extensively in his works Outcast Capetown and Passage to England. Western's objective was to ascertain how his subjects perceived the world around them. Alternatively, participant observation was utilised, whereby researchers adopted the roles and daily practices and intentions of their subjects. For instance, several humanistic geographers engaged in street vending in South American cities, with the objective of acquiring experiential knowledge regarding the perspective of a disadvantaged street vendor.
The term 'place' swiftly superseded 'life-world' among humanistic geographers, as 'place' was perceived as being more clearly geographical, while 'life-world' carried an excess of philosophical connotations. However, from the perspective of humanistic geographers, the term assumed a technical connotation, one that was more aligned with the concept of the 'life-world' than with the conventional notion of location. The concept of a 'place' is predicated upon the notion of a location imbued with significance by human imagination.
The significance of a location is ascribed when it appears to convey a message that extends beyond its immediate context. The text's content is revealed not only through its own words, but also through the symbols it contains. These symbols, in turn, point to other concepts, suggesting that the nature of a symbol is to always refer to something beyond itself. A stone, for instance, is merely a stone; however, a tombstone is a symbol that points beyond itself, to a man, a memory, a life, and an idea. This is true of every symbol; the function of a symbol is to make something absent present. The absence of the phenomenon may be attributed to its inconspicuous nature, intangible qualities, imagined nature, or its remote temporal and spatial location. Humans utilise symbolism to represent absent things, thereby making themselves mindful of these entities and providing themselves with motives and reasons to act, think, or feel in a particular way. The concept of a location, therefore, is predicated on the ability to discern a significance that extends beyond the mere physical elements that comprise it. These elements, when observed, evince a tendency to transcend their immediate surroundings, potentially signifying an imperceptible hazard, an undetectable boundary, a popular fantasy, or an occurrence that transpired in the past or in a distant locale. The metamorphosis of the urban landscape, wherein edifices and thoroughfares are imbued with a sense of identity, underscores the profound human imprint upon the city.
Humanistic geographers have approached the concept of place through two distinct lenses. The first question posed pertained to the experience of being in a place that is perceived as intelligible, often referred to as having a 'sense of place'. The ability to comprehend a locale is predicated upon the capacity to interpret its symbols and discern its essence. The slightly different phrase 'sense of place' implies, in addition to this, an existential affinity with the place, a feeling that, in 'this' place, one is truly 'in place' or belongs there. Geographers such as Yi-fu Tuan, Edward Relph, David Seamon and Robert Mugerauer have written extensively on this topic. It is perhaps best understood as the manner in which geographers have framed classic questions of topical humanism concerning modern alienation (what Relph termed 'placelessness'), our ambivalent feelings about home (which Tuan described as an oscillation between cosmos and hearth), and the appalling loneliness to which humans are subject in the face of a seemingly mute and unsympathetic cosmos.
The second approach, as adopted by humanistic geographers, involved the examination of place symbols and the messages they convey, as opposed to the subjective experience of place. Humanistic geographers who sought to understand the functionality of these symbols initially turned to semiotics and the sociological theory of symbolic interactionism. For instance, Kenneth Foote's Shadowed Ground examined landscape symbols that point back to deeply disturbing acts of gruesome violence, and the decisions communities make whether or not to install such symbols, whether or not to sustain such a memory. In his work Imagining Niagara, Patrick McGreevy explores the manner in which Victorian tourists projected their preoccupations onto the Niagara Falls, thereby transforming the waterfall into a symbol that transcended the temporal limitations of the present moment. These tourists interpreted the natural phenomenon as a metaphor for primal nature, the afterlife, or a future of infinite productive capacity. In his seminal work The Past Is a Foreign Country, David Lowenthal meticulously documents the various symbols that point to the past, the uses to which they are put, and the various degrees to which they imply that the past is radically discontinuous with the present.
